This article presents the issues and challenges facing older Chinese immigrants in accessing mainstream services in Edmonton, Alberta, in Western Canada. The awareness and access to mainstream services and information, perceptions of services, system improvements and use of social media are discussed. Barriers to services include: isolation, impacting physical and mental health; few multicultural services (barriers around translation and access to services); barriers around age and ability (accessibility); cost barriers. The article suggests several recommendations: culturally competent service provision by mainstream services (including removing cost barriers, improving translation and accessibility); more collaboration between ‘mainstream’ service providers and ethno-specific organizations; more consultation with Chinese community; greater accessibility to translation; increased funding for human resources and training. This article presents the issues and challenges facing older Chinese immigrants in accessing mainstream services in Edmonton, Alberta, in Western Canada. The awareness and access to mainstream services and information, perceptions of services, system improvements and use of social media are discussed. Barriers to services include: isolation, impacting physical and mental health; few multicultural services (barriers around translation and access to services); barriers around age and ability (accessibility); cost barriers. The article suggests several recommendations: culturally competent service provision by mainstream services (including removing cost barriers, improving translation and accessibility); more collaboration between ‘mainstream’ service providers and ethno-specific organizations; more consultation with Chinese community; greater accessibility to translation; increased funding for human resources and training.
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In this paper, I illustrate how race and class hierarchies mark Filipino temporary foreign workers as foreign ‘others’. Because public spaces are structured in gendered and racialized ways, Filipino migrants have to carefully navigate public spaces to ensure their safety and create their own spaces of belonging that give them refuge against xenophobia. I argue further that the paradoxical discourses of multicultural inclusion and economic protectionism invoke the figure of the ‘good’ migrant and the ‘bad’ migrant. These, in turn, promote contradictory actions towards migrants, whose public acceptance hinge on wildly variable and changing notions of inclusion/ exclusion and economic acceptability. These lead to the passage of inconsistent policies where migrants are read as being ‘good’ one day, and as being ‘bad’ the next. In this paper, I illustrate how race and class hierarchies mark Filipino temporary foreign workers as foreign ‘others’. Because public spaces are structured in gendered and racialized ways, Filipino migrants have to carefully navigate public spaces to ensure their safety and create their own spaces of belonging that give them refuge against xenophobia. I argue further that the paradoxical discourses of multicultural inclusion and economic protectionism invoke the figure of the ‘good’ migrant and the ‘bad’ migrant. These, in turn, promote contradictory actions towards migrants, whose public acceptance hinge on wildly variable and changing notions of inclusion/ exclusion and economic acceptability. These lead to the passage of inconsistent policies where migrants are read as being ‘good’ one day, and as being ‘bad’ the next.
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New immigrants generally arrive in Canada with a health advantage over their Canadian counterparts, but lose that advantage over time. Difficulties in acquiring a physician may contribute. Past studies relied on older data, and lacked control for many confounders and assessment of gender differences. We assessed the relationship between immigrant status and having a regular doctor among Canadian adults. New Canadian immigrants are less likely to have a regular doctor compared to non-immigrants, and should be targeted by policies and programs facilitating finding a doctor. New immigrants generally arrive in Canada with a health advantage over their Canadian counterparts, but lose that advantage over time. Difficulties in acquiring a physician may contribute. Past studies relied on older data, and lacked control for many confounders and assessment of gender differences. We assessed the relationship between immigrant status and having a regular doctor among Canadian adults. New Canadian immigrants are less likely to have a regular doctor compared to non-immigrants, and should be targeted by policies and programs facilitating finding a doctor.
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This paper examines the relationships between self-reported loneliness and living arrangements. A questionnaire with some open-ended questions was administered face-to-face in English, Hindi or Punjabi to a sample of 161 elderly South Asian immigrants 60 or more years of age living in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada in 2003. The majority of respondents said that they never felt lonely. More than one in three (37.3%) respondents indicated that they felt lonely occasionally, frequently or all of the time. Those living alone were significantly more likely to report feeling lonely at least occasionally than were those living with others, especially those living with their spouse in an extended family. The fact that South Asian immigrant seniors typically lived with others, often in an extended family with or without their spouse, and rarely lived alone protected them to some extent from loneliness. However, our findings showed that among those living with others, it was the amount of waking time spent alone at home and the quality of family relationships rather than living arrangement per se that significantly predicted self-reported loneliness. Nevertheless, living in a larger household was associated with spending less time alone. This paper examines the relationships between self-reported loneliness and living arrangements. A questionnaire with some open-ended questions was administered face-to-face in English, Hindi or Punjabi to a sample of 161 elderly South Asian immigrants 60 or more years of age living in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada in 2003. The majority of respondents said that they never felt lonely. More than one in three (37.3%) respondents indicated that they felt lonely occasionally, frequently or all of the time. Those living alone were significantly more likely to report feeling lonely at least occasionally than were those living with others, especially those living with their spouse in an extended family. The fact that South Asian immigrant seniors typically lived with others, often in an extended family with or without their spouse, and rarely lived alone protected them to some extent from loneliness. However, our findings showed that among those living with others, it was the amount of waking time spent alone at home and the quality of family relationships rather than living arrangement per se that significantly predicted self-reported loneliness. Nevertheless, living in a larger household was associated with spending less time alone.
This publication has no Abstract to dispaly
