This paper examines the lived experiences of Chinese-Canadian youth in Alberta in relation to two multiculturalism debates: multiculturalism as a politics of recognition and multiculturalism as a cohesive force. It focuses on three themes of their lived experiences, which include racial discrimination and stereotypes in school; biased media representation; and the relationship between ethnic language maintenance, sense of belonging and multiculturalism policy within a bilingual framework. Two findings are highlighted in this paper. First, the racism youth experienced at school and the racist discourse against Chinese-Canadian students found in Canadian media indicate that Chinese Canadians as racialized and ethnic minorities have not been recognized and treated as equal partners in social interactions with the White dominant group. The multicultural policy focus and task of addressing racism in the 1980s has yet to be finished despite current multicultural policy having a new focus. Second, multiculturalism within a bilingual framework is more an assimilating force than a divisive one. Given the separation of language rights and cultural rights as well as the strong linguistic and cultural assimilation forces in major Canadian institutions, it is less likely for Chinese-Canadian youth to maintain their ethnic language and culture. The main factor that affects their sense of belonging to Canada is the racism in Canadian society rather than the symbolic recognition of diversity that multiculturalism encourages. This paper examines the lived experiences of Chinese-Canadian youth in Alberta in relation to two multiculturalism debates: multiculturalism as a politics of recognition and multiculturalism as a cohesive force. It focuses on three themes of their lived experiences, which include racial discrimination and stereotypes in school; biased media representation; and the relationship between ethnic language maintenance, sense of belonging and multiculturalism policy within a bilingual framework. Two findings are highlighted in this paper. First, the racism youth experienced at school and the racist discourse against Chinese-Canadian students found in Canadian media indicate that Chinese Canadians as racialized and ethnic minorities have not been recognized and treated as equal partners in social interactions with the White dominant group. The multicultural policy focus and task of addressing racism in the 1980s has yet to be finished despite current multicultural policy having a new focus. Second, multiculturalism within a bilingual framework is more an assimilating force than a divisive one. Given the separation of language rights and cultural rights as well as the strong linguistic and cultural assimilation forces in major Canadian institutions, it is less likely for Chinese-Canadian youth to maintain their ethnic language and culture. The main factor that affects their sense of belonging to Canada is the racism in Canadian society rather than the symbolic recognition of diversity that multiculturalism encourages.
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To meet their essential needs or those of their families, young black African immigrants from 15 to 24 years of age living in Brooks, Alberta, Canada, are trying to reconcile full-time night work with full-time school attendance. In most cases employers comply with the regulations on employment of children in Alberta, but no one can state with certainty that the age limit for this kind of employment is always observed. This pilot research examines the social impact of such work and study arrangements on young Francophone immigrants. To meet their essential needs or those of their families, young black African immigrants from 15 to 24 years of age living in Brooks, Alberta, Canada, are trying to reconcile full-time night work with full-time school attendance. In most cases employers comply with the regulations on employment of children in Alberta, but no one can state with certainty that the age limit for this kind of employment is always observed. This pilot research examines the social impact of such work and study arrangements on young Francophone immigrants.
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Current recommendations for tuberculosis control are to screen high risk populations and provide chemoprophylaxis for those infected. In Edmonton, Alberta, one strategy has been to identify and provide TB skin tests to newly arrived immigrant school age children from TB endemic areas. The difficulty has been in identifying these children in the school population. This article describes a process tried in 1993–94 to find a better approach and to determine the outcome of a concentrated effort at screening and follow-up of this population. Using this method, 1,146 students were TB skin tested using 5tu PPD: 15% showed significant reactions (10mm), 89% were offered chemoprophylaxis, and 68% of those offered (84% of those accepting) completed 9 months of chemoprophylaxis. The success of this process was dependent on the dedicated follow-up provided by the specialty public health clinic devoted to the prevention and treatment of tuberculosis. Current recommendations for tuberculosis control are to screen high risk populations and provide chemoprophylaxis for those infected. In Edmonton, Alberta, one strategy has been to identify and provide TB skin tests to newly arrived immigrant school age children from TB endemic areas. The difficulty has been in identifying these children in the school population. This article describes a process tried in 1993–94 to find a better approach and to determine the outcome of a concentrated effort at screening and follow-up of this population. Using this method, 1,146 students were TB skin tested using 5tu PPD: 15% showed significant reactions (10mm), 89% were offered chemoprophylaxis, and 68% of those offered (84% of those accepting) completed 9 months of chemoprophylaxis. The success of this process was dependent on the dedicated follow-up provided by the specialty public health clinic devoted to the prevention and treatment of tuberculosis.
This publication has no Abstract to dispaly
